The office of ombudsman has become increasingly popular over recent decades to the point where it is now a highly significant and permanent feature of the legal systems in many parts of the world. As a method to solve disputes outside of the courts, ombudsman systems deal with many cases per year in both public and private sectors. Although originally established in the public sector, as a link between citizens and government institutions, the ombudsman model has, in many countries, now been adopted by the private sector too. The ombudsman landscape throughout EU member states presents a variety of institutional and jurisdictional arrangements, operational styles and decision-making processes. Although this poses some challenges in being able to conceptualise a unified ombudsman institution, it offers distinct advantages for the study of the relationship between decision-making practices on the part of ombudsmen and perceptions of procedural justice and levels of trust on the part of users across different jurisdictions and cultures. Despite the significance of ombudsmen to our constitutional and civil justice landscapes, very little is known about users' perceptions of the fairness of their procedures and practices and the significance of these perceptions for levels of trust in particular ombudsman offices. This project will fill this gap, providing important data and knowledge which will be directly relevant to the development of national policies and EU level multiple networks of policy-making.

Access to green spaces has been shown to promote physical and mental health (WHO, 2016). This, combined with the cultural heritage of gardens, means that these are valuable places that everyone should be able to access and enjoy. This is supported by the Equality Act (2010), which states that service providers, such as a garden or museum, have a duty to make reasonable adjustments in order to provide access to that service. For blind or partially sighted (BPS) people, audio description (AD) is a way of facilitating access to film, TV, theatre, museums, and galleries. AD is a 'verbal commentary, providing visual information for those unable to perceive it themselves' (Fryer, 2016: 1), helping people to build a mental picture of a film, play or exhibition. Screen AD is fully professionalised (Fryer, 2016), with comprehensive research and guidelines for describers. However, museum AD is at a comparatively early stage of development (Hutchinson and Eardley, 2019), and garden AD is arguably at an even earlier stage. Both are based on limited guidelines (such as RNIB, 2010 and ADLAB, 2014), but more research has been undertaken in relation to AD in the museum context. This study will benefit from the extensive research into screen AD, as well as the limited research in museum AD. Whilst there have been some successful examples of audio described gardens, including a multi-sensory audio-described tour at the Chelsea Physic Garden (Audio Description Association, 2014), access to audio described gardens is varied, with little guidance or research to inform what approach should be taken. This means that for the estimated two million people in UK living with sight loss (RNIB, 2019), access services at gardens are limited. So, while further research is required to understand how best to provide access to gardens, there is also an opportunity to consider how access to gardens can be inclusive, rather than providing a separate service for the BPS audience.

The conflict of Northern Ireland, which engulfed the region for some 30 years from 1968 to 1998, was a period of political contention and sectarian violence which led to the death of more than 3,500 people. Throughout the 20th Century, the constitutional status of Northern Ireland remained a heavily contested issue by the supporters of nationalism and those of unionism - the prior predominantly Catholic and the latter Protestant. Often residing as neighbours, these two communities frequently clashed, and due to the province's unionist majority, Catholics experienced severe institutional discrimination and underrepresentation. Throughout the late 1960s, a civil rights movement emerged addressing these issues. Peaceful marches were held but they soon developed into riots as they were met by Protestant counter-demonstrators and police barricades. The Battle of the Bogside is often seen as the epitome of these riots, with the Catholic Bogside residents on one side and the loyalist-controlled police force, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) on the other. Violence commenced on the 12th August 1969 and continued for three days. In reaction, conflict between Catholics and Protestants transpired across Derry and Belfast, leading to arson attacks, gun battles and forced evacuations from homes. By the 15th August, the situation had become so dire that the British Army were deployed to restore peace in the province, but unbeknown to the local residents, security forces and Government, Northern Ireland would not know peace for another three decades. The significance of mass media in informing the public and shaping opinions can undoubtedly be noted in the context of Northern Ireland. British coverage of the Troubles, across primarily press and television, transpired into a 'propaganda war' within itself. Owing to the recognised significance of television images, major confrontation occurred between the Government and broadcast organisations in Britain. The BBC was especially significant, and its programming more scrutinised due to 'its unique local and national role,' as well as the understanding that it was independent from Government interest. Throughout the conflict, the BBC was repeatedly criticised by all sides as it strove to report accurately and fairly. Most significantly, the corporation struggled with pressure from the British Government, as attempts were made to threaten and intimidate the broadcasting body into supporting the official perspective. In 1976 during what became termed the 'Second Battle of Culloden,' BBC executives came under attack from numerous critics over the corporation's coverage of Northern Ireland. This included the Lord Chief Justice who contended that "the BBC would have given Satan and Jesus Christ equal time." The BBC certainly experienced the most severe clashes with the Government in regard to the conflict, but the corporations' journalists and senior representatives were determined to resist the attempts of control. BBC executives such as Curran and Francis often came to the defence of programmes which they argued, offered a better insight into the conflict, maintaining that 'reporting the enemy does not mean supporting the enemy.' In 1979, a Tonight programme was aired featuring an interview with an INLA spokesman. The BBC Board subsequently faced a major attack from the Thatcher administration who were outraged at the decision to broadcast it. However, an editorial in the Guardian defended the programme writing that anyone who had seen it was "better informed about the nature of the Irish problem than he was before." There was intense Government fury over sympathetic coverage of Republicans, and in 1985 Prime Minister Thatcher condemned the media for offering the movement the 'oxygen of publicity.' Panorama Editor Roger Bolton contended however, that after a decade of violence, it was necessary for the British public to understand the situation, and 'that would mean talking to

Abstracts are not currently available in GtR for all funded research. This is normally because the abstract was not required at the time of proposal submission, but may be because it included sensitive information such as personal details.

The main objective of this research is to develop an empirical understanding of the discursive practices of a social movement in social networks and to analyse how this was used in the 2018 elections. This project seeks to describe and analyse the communicative practices of the Free Brazil Movement (MBL) and the consequent appropriation of these practices by candidates elected in the last Brazilian presidential election. Several groups involved in the national political debate and in social movements have appeared in Brazil since the June 2013 Days (JJ13), one of which is the MBL, "a non-profit organization aiming to mobilize citizens for a freer, fair and prosperous society and stand for Democracy, Republic, Freedom of Expression and the Press, Free Market, the Reduction of State and Bureaucracy." Many of the most voted politicians in the 2018 elections gained notoriety due to their intensive use of social networks and their involvement in these mobilizations. An illustration of this is the expressive number of votes received by Kim Kataguiri, one of the MBL coordinators, who won the position of Congressman. The concept of a social movement, before the beginning of the twentieth century, was only considered as the action of workers in unions. Academics from different areas point to a re-orientation of the collective action, the different types of which are classified by theoretical categories into which contemporary social actors no longer fit (Touraine, 2003). The feminist movement, for example, sparked a review of gender hierarchy and politicized the domestic space (Hall, 2003). It should also be noted that the importance of understanding these movements in their processes of formation, dynamics, values and perspectives of social transformation, highlighting the role of communication in the process of sharing the meaning and exchange of information (Castells, 2013). Such researchers as Maria da Glória Gohn (2013) study the collective practices and actions of social movements delimiting the basic characteristics of the context of the time (sociopolitical, economic and cultural characteristics of the historical time under analysis). Cyberspace gains importance as a field of political dispute with the consequent popularization of the internet and social networks. The contemporary society experiences a cycle of social and political transformations, enabling the advent of new dynamics in interpersonal and individual/political institution relationships. In this scenario, the civil society develops an increasingly significant role within political and social processes (Avritzer, 2016; Castells, 2008 and 2013; Gohn, 2004; Lavalle et al., 2007). This research project seeks to bring significant academic and social contributions. Firstly, the study aims to understand MBL as a contemporary social movement, its communicative practices and the use of social networks to disseminate its discourse. Secondly, the project seeks to identify the appropriation of this discourse by one of its coordinators, Kim Kataguiri, who started from a "non-partisan" movement but ended up being elected Congressman with an expressive number of votes. From this scenario, this research examines and seeks to answer the appropriations of these discourses through the following questions, focusing on the communicational practices of a social movement and the consequent appropriation of these discourses by members who led themselves into the political field.: How do these discourses circulate in society? How do members of these movements capitalize on this speech for their own benefit? The academic literature underlying this project seeks to delimit the scope of this research. Firstly, we try to analyse the historical evolution of the concept of a "Social Movement" and its contemporary definition in order to characterize MBL as a Social Movement and identify its mobilization objectives and purposes. This theoretical fr